Site Network: Prison Policy Initiative | Prisoners of the Census

The Census' prisoner miscount distorts democracy

The Census Bureau counts prisoners as if they lived voluntarily in the communities where they are incarcerated. And though most states bar prisoners from voting, the inaccurate census figures allow state lawmakers to pad district populations when drawing legislative maps. This creates prison districts with disproportionate voting power and drains political influence from the urban districts where most prisoners live.

Rural Michigan newspaper calls for change in Census counts of prisoners

by Peter Wagner, February 23, 2006

On Feb. 9, the Jackson City Patriot in Jackson Michigan published an editorial calling for the Census Bureau to change how it counts incarcerated people because it “is time to stop reporting a misleading census profile about prison communities.”

Counting Convicts: Do it here or there?

Editorial published in the Jackson City Patriot, February 9, 2006

For 216 years, the U.S. Census has been counting prison convicts by the “usual residence” rule. That is, they’re counted in the place they hang their hats, eat and sleep — that is, where they are incarcerated. At Congress’ directive, the Census Bureau is considering whether a change is in order. We welcome the review.

Why would anyone want prisoners counted in any other way than by the “usual residence” rule? Because the flaws of that policy are becoming apparent.

Consider how census results skew reality right here in Blackman Township. We’ll frame a series of statements based on Blackman’s 2000 Census data and then offer some comments:

  • Blackman’s population is 22,500 — 63.2 percent male and 36.8 percent female.
  • By race, residents are 79.5 percent white and 17.2 percent black (the other 3.3 percent being other categories).
  • Per-capita income in Blackman is $18,708. That’s $3,460 below the state average. Curiously, the only age category in which Blackman residents exceed the state average is householders under 25. Their average income is about $3,000 more than the state average.
  • Blackman residents are poorly educated. Only 9.4 percent of its residents have a bachelor’s degree, compared to the state average of 13.7 percent; and only 3.5 percent have a master’s or other advanced degree, compared to 8.1 percent for the state as a whole.

Now, do these official census facts give a true profile of Blackman Township? No. They are so far from reality that it is a disservice to report them as fact. Here’s why: In one way or another, the profile suggested by these “facts” is skewed because of the inclusion of inmates as part of the populace.

How many inmates? Of Blackman’s official 22,500 residents, 7,244 are under the category of “institutionalized population.”

Now, a few questions: Does anyone believe that six of 10 Blackman residents are male when both the state and national averages are only 49 percent? That 17.2 percent of Blackman residents are black, when the county average is not even 8 percent? That per-capita income in Blackman is $3,460 below the state average? Or that Blackman is such a poorly educated township?

As we peruse Blackman’s census data, we can’t be sure any of those results have not been skewed in one way or another by the inmate populace.

Yet Blackman officials will never complain, for the township benefits from inmates. Much of state and federal revenue sharing (what is left of it) goes to counties, cities, townships and villages based on population. Stop counting prison inmates as part of Blackman, and you have a township of only 16,000 or so.

One option for the Census Bureau is to count inmates, not where they are incarcerated, but where they lived before. We do not favor that approach because the inmates are, well, not living there and not using the services offered by their hometowns. Police and fire services, for example, are eligible for state and federal grants, based on population.

Instead, we favor another solution for prison communities such as Blackman: Since prisoners are an isolated community, isolate them within the census. Give two profiles — one including prisoners, one without them. At present, we are assured that prisoners do not skew all data, but when we dig into specifics, it is clear that no one can say with certainty which statistics can be taken at face value, and which can’t.

Since taking a census is a federal task, this policy shift should be made at the federal level. It is time to stop reporting a misleading census profile about prison communities.

New report shows “Why the Census Bureau can and must start collecting the home addresses of incarcerated people”

by Peter Wagner, February 17, 2006

In November 2005, the Appropriations Committee directed the Census Bureau to undertake a study of using “prisoners’ permanent homes of record, as opposed to their incarceration sites” in the decennial Census. Congress directed the Census Bureau to report its findings to Congress within 90 days. That report is expected soon.

In advance of that report and to aid the Census Bureau’s own investigation, Eric Lotke, Andrew Beveridge and I submitted a 24 page report to the Bureau on February 10: Why the Census Bureau can and must start collecting the home addresses of incarcerated people.

The report reviews the legal and practical reasons why the Census Bureau should change how it counts incarcerated people and then discusses the practical benefits that home-address enumeration would bring to Census Bureau operations.

Among other findings, the report reviews Census 2000 data for the Utah State Prison and the California State Prison at Lancaster — two facilities where the Census Bureau emphasized accuracy and distributed forms directly to prisoners rather than relying on administrative records — and finds that the Census Bureau received data of a very high quality. An analysis of the responses at those two prisons to Census long form Question 15 “Where did this person live 5 years ago?” shows that it is possible for the Bureau to enter prisons, distribute forms, collect home address information, and then process that data.

The report focuses on the two major groups that use the PL94-171 redistricting data set — state and local legislatures — and discuss how these two different groups are negatively impacted by the current method of enumerating prisoners. Finally, the report discusses in detail the different ways that the Census Bureau could change how it publishes Census data.

The Census Bureau’s report to Congress is expected soon. The next census is still more than 4 years away, but if the Census Bureau begins planning now, there is still time to test and implement even the largest of the proposals suggested in our report.

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